Brazil Crisis Guide for “Gringos”

Brazil Crisis Guide for “Gringos”

A Sentença do “bandido” Tiradentes The Sentence of the “bandit” Tiradentes

A Sentença do “bandido” Tiradentes

Como é tênue a linha que separa a história contada por quem tem o poder da que é contada pelo povo…

Há mais de dois séculos um “bandido” chamado Joaquim José da Silva Xavier, nosso Tiradentes, foi sentenciado à morte por lutar pela libertação do Brasil frente a Portugal. Muitos defensores da ordem e dos bons costumes bradaram contra ele: Bandido! Ladrão! Gritavam eles…

Hoje lutamos pela nossa libertação frente aos Estados Unidos que desejam usurpar as nossas quase infindáveis reservas energéticas e usufruir da nossa eterna condição de subserviência como um país de miseráveis.

Convido-os hoje à seguinte reflexão: de que lado você está hoje? Dos que se baseiam numa condenação forjada de Lula e num impeachment forjado de Dilma Rousseff a mando dos Estados Unidos, para gritarem Bandidos! Ladrões! Ou você está do lado de Tiradentes e de todos que têm coragem de enfrentar e combater o discurso hipócrita das elites que ainda controlam o Brasil?

Lula ainda será considerado um herói nacional. E os que hoje voltam o seu ódio contra ele são os mesmos que um dia também cuspiram e condenaram à morte um “bandido” chamado Jesus.

The Sentence of the “criminal” Tiradentes

How thin is the line that separates the story told by the powerfull of the one is told by the people…

More than two centuries ago, a “bandit” named Joaquim José da Silva Xavier, our Tiradentes, was sentenced to death for fighting for the liberation of Brazil from Portugal.

Many defenders of order and good manners cried out against him: Bandit! Thief! They shouted … Today we are fighting for our liberation from the United States that wants to usurp our almost endless energy reserves and enjoy our eternal condition of subservience as a country of miserable people.

I invite you today to the following reflection: on whose side are you today? Of those who rely on a forged condemnation of Lula and a forged impeachment of Dilma Rousseff at the behest of the United States, to shout Bandits! Thieves! Or are you on the side of Tiradentes and all who have the courage to confront and fight the hypocritical discourse of the elites who still control Brazil?

Lula will be considered a national hero. And those who now turn their hatred against him are the same who one day also spit and condemned to death a “bandit” named Jesus.

“If it’s Lula’s the people can stay. If not, then why is he in jail?”

Brazilian activists occupy apartment at centre of Lula corruption case

Leftwing housing activists in Brazil have occupied the beachfront triplex apartment at the centre of a corruption case against former president Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, who was jailed last weekend on corruption charges.

Prosecutors say that Lula was promised the beachfront apartment in the seaside town Guarujá in return for helping the construction company OAS secure lucrative contracts with Brazil’s state oil firm Petrobras, but they dont show what contracts and what actions were taken (indetermined acts). He is still appealing against the conviction but is already in jail.

Lula’s defence say that there is no material evidence linking him to the apartment and that the prosecution’s case rests on the testimony of the OAS executive Léo Pinheiro, who after said for two times Lula is inocent had his sentence increased to 26 years in prison, entered a plea bargain to receive a reduced sentence for corruption and money laundering.

On Monday morning, around 50 members of the homeless workers movement (MTST) occupied the apartment for several hours, hanging flags from the balcony and roof. Another hundred gathered outside the building, chanting slogans in support of Lula.

The movement often occupies unused privately owned land and buildings, in São Paulo and across Brazil to call for more affordable housing. Such occupations are permitted in Brazil’s constitution.

The MTST leader Guilherme Boulos, who was beside Lula when he gave a fiery speech to tupporters before handing himself in to federal police last weekend, posted on social media: “If [the apartment is] Lula’s, the people can stay. If not, then why is he in jail?”

In an interview with the Guardian on Sunday, Boulos, claimed Lula’s imprisonment was part of a calculated plot to prevent him winning October’s election.

“As I see things, Lula’s conviction was unjust and political … [and] clearly designed to remove him from the electoral process. Today he is in prison because of a judicial farce,” said Boulos, who is himself preparing a run for Brazil’s presidency for the leftist Socialism and Liberty party (PSOL).

Boulos admitted Lula had made mistakes during his two terms as president: “[But] what we are talking about here is an attack on democracy and the lynching of a figure of Lula’s importance.”

Boulos vowed to hand a pardon to Brazil’s jailed former leader if he was elected. “Certainly, from our point of a view a pardon would be an appropriate measure,” he said.

According to opinion polls released yesterday by polling institute Datafolha, Lula continues to lead the presidential race with more than twice the voting intention of his closest rival, the rightwing former army captain Jair Bolsonaro, who was last week charged by Brazil’s prosecutor general with hate speech against black, indigenous and gay people.




The dissimulation of a coup clad with apparent legality

From the beginning of the process of Impeachment of the Ex President Dilma Rousseff it was clear in Brazil the beginning of a well orchestrated coup that aimed solely at reversing all the policies of social inclusion implanted in the last 12 years in Brazil.

As the only alternative to stop the leftist political escalation in Brazil and in America, it was necessary to give the appearance of legality to arbitrary measures so that there would be no risk of prosecution of coup. For this, within the planning of this coup of the brazilian extreme right, it was necessary a true media bombardment whose intention was to create the certainty of fault of the left parties through something known in the world by law fare.

This media campaign explains the hatred of the Brazilian right against former presidents Dilma and Lula, without actually participating in corruption. Nothing justifies the extreme speed given to the judicial process and the hurry in the imprisonment of former President Lula for a dubious condemnation, without clear evidence of guilt and after numerous arbitrariness practiced by the prosecutors and by the Car Wash judge that made the defense of the former president completely compromised.

Lula was condemned for “indeterminate acts in the exercise of public function” in exchange for an apartment that according to his accusers he never used but would use in the future. I do not know if this only seems ridiculous to me, but it is what actually supports Lula’s conviction and the hurry of his imprisonment. For those who understand that this persecution does not make any sense in face of bags and bags of money and illegal accounts abroad of almost all Brazilian politicians, the conclusion remains that this is another phase of the coup in progress that aims to withdraw from the politic campaign the only popular representative candidate who appears first in all election polls for the presidency in 2018.

All with the same airs of legality that are also identified in the fascist and Nazi measures of Adolf Hitler in history books. Will the world realize this in time?

Brazilian Justice neglects real evidences of crimes committed by the Public Prosecution in the incessant and unproved persecution of former President Lula.

*CZ-Carlos Zucolloto (Lawyer in Curitiba, partner of Judge Moro’s wife and a close friend of Moro.)

*DD-Deltan Dallagnol (Public Prosecutor, leader of Car Wash Operation)

The partial judge of Curitiba who does not rest while not fulfilling the mission of arresting the Ex President Lula committed throughout the process various illegalities and arbitrariness that were ignored by Brazilian justice. One of them was the refusal to listen to the testimony of the lawyer Rodrigo Tacla Duran who is taking refuge in Spain for having had his prison requested by the judge of the case.

The lawyer obtained the refuge of Spain for having dual citizenship and for not having been considered pertinent by the Spanish government the request of prison of the Brazilian partial judge.
The lawyer who worked for Odebrecht presented several tests that were prosecuted by Spanish justices that demonstrated the partiality and the fabrication of evidence by the Lava Jato Operation task force in Brazil.
It is evident to everyone except for Brazilian justice that the Lava Jato operation has only the political objective of arresting and weakening the Brazilian political left, which has been guaranteed by the army, the mainstream media, and the Federal Supreme Court, which is capital and the few families that run Brazil.

Este 4 de abril de 2018 marcó a dos Premios Nobel de la Paz y un candidato.

Adolfo Pérez Esquivel-Buenos Aires, Argentina

7 DE ABR DE 2018 — Este 4 de abril de 2018 se cumplieron 50 años del asesinato de Martin Luther King. También se cumplieron 41 años de mi encarcelamiento por parte de la última dictadura argentina. Y el Supremo Tribunal Federal de Brasil envió a la cárcel a Lula Da Silva.
Tres ejemplos de cómo la lucha no-violenta por los derechos humanos y de los pueblos, representan una seria amenaza a los intereses de las clases dominantes antidemocráticas.

Nobel de la Paz para Lula da Silva

иикогда не сможет заключить наши мечты nikogda ne smozhet zaklyuchit’ nashi mechty. Kann unsere Träume niemals einsperren! Ne peut jamais emprisonner nos rêves! Non può mai imprigionare i nostri sogni! They can never imprison our dreams! Nunca podrán aprisionar nuestros sueños!

The fascist hate against the most popular leader in the world of social inclusion.

Gunshots hit two buses in a caravan for Lula’s campaign tour in southern Brazil on Tuesday, officials in his Workers’ party said.

No one was hurt, and the former president was not in either of the two buses, which were carrying guests and journalists. Nails had also been placed along the caravan’s route, piercing the tyres of one bus, the party said.

Lula has been traveling around southern Brazil to rally support for another presidential run in October.

In a sign of how divisive the once spectacularly popular leader has become, his caravan has been the target of facists atacks, and his buses have previously been pelted stones.

“If they think that that they can do away with my will to fight, they are wrong,” Lula said at a rally Tuesday night. “The day I cannot shout anymore, I will shout through your throats! The day my mind stops thinking, I will think through your minds!”

Gleisi Hoffmann, the Workers’ party president, complained in a statement that authorities haven’t provided enough security for the caravan and later called the attack an attempted homicide. Officials noted that Paraná state is the only one the caravan has passed through that hasn’t provided a police escort.

“It’s not normal in a democracy that people fire on a democratic caravan,” Hoffmann told supporters Tuesday night.

After the execution of Marielle Franco, Brazil is not afraid to continue the fascist coup made by media that criate hate to the left partyies and to the most popular leader um the world for the social inclusion.

Why are you so afraid of free Lula? Por que têm tanto medo de Lula livre?

Lula’s article in Folha de S.Paulo: Why are you so afraid of free Lula?

For a year now, I have been unjustly imprisoned, accused and convicted of a crime that never existed. Every day I have spent here has increased my indignation, but I keep my faith in a fair trial in which the truth will prevail. I can sleep with a clear conscience of my innocence. I doubt that those who have condemned me to a judicial farce will be asleep.

What worries me most, however, is what is happening with Brazil and the suffering of our people. To impose an exceptional judgment on me, they broke the limits of the law and the Constitution, weakening democracy. The rights of the people and citizenship have been revoked, while they impose the tightening of salaries, the precariousness of employment and the high cost of living. They surrender national sovereignty, our wealth, our companies and even our territory to satisfy foreign interests.

Today it is clear that my condemnation was part of a political movement since the re-election of President Dilma Rousseff in 2014. Defeated at the polls for the fourth consecutive time, the opposition chose the path of the coup to return to power, retaking the authoritarian vice of the Brazilian ruling classes.

The impeachment coup without a crime of responsibility was against the model of development with social inclusion that the country had been building since 2003. In 12 years, we have created 20 million jobs, taken 32 million people out of poverty, and multiplied the GDP by five. We opened the university to millions of excluded people. We have overcome hunger.

That model was and is intolerable for a privileged and prejudiced layer of society. It wounded powerful economic interests outside the country. While the pre-salt awakened the greed of foreign oil companies, Brazilian companies began to dispute markets with traditional exporters from other countries.

The impeachment came to bring back neoliberalism, in an even more radical version. To this end, they sabotaged the efforts of the Dilma government to face the economic crisis and correct their own mistakes. They have sunk the country into a fiscal collapse and a recession that still lasts. They promised that it was enough to take the PT out of government that the country’s problems would end.

The people soon realized that they had been deceived. Unemployment increased, social programmes were emptied, schools and hospitals lost money. A suicidal policy implemented by Petrobras made the price of cooking gas prohibitive for the poor and led to the paralysis of truck drivers. They want to end the retirement of the elderly and rural workers.

In the caravans around the country, I saw in the eyes of our people the hope and the desire to resume that model that began to correct inequalities and gave opportunities to those who never had them. Already in early 2018, polls indicated that I would win the elections in the first round.

It was necessary to prevent my candidacy at any cost. Lava Jato, which was the backdrop to the impeachment coup, ran over deadlines and defense prerogatives to condemn me before the elections. My conversations, the telephones of my lawyers and even the President of the Republic had been illegally stapled. I was the target of illegal coercive conduct, a real kidnapping. They searched my house, searched my mattress, took cell phones and even tablets from my grandchildren.

They found nothing to incriminate me: no gangster talk, no money bags, no overseas bills. Even so, I was convicted in record time, by Sergio Moro and the TRF-4, for “indeterminate acts” without finding any connection between the apartment that was never mine and the alleged deviations of Petrobras. The Supreme Court denied me a fair request for habeas corpus, under pressure from the media, the market and even the Armed Forces, as recently confirmed by Jair Bolsonaro, the biggest beneficiary of that persecution.

My candidacy was banned contrary to electoral law, case law and a determination by the UN Human Rights Committee to guarantee my political rights. And even so, our candidate Fernando Haddad had significant votes and was only defeated by Bolsonaro’s industry of lies on social networks, financed by box 2 even with foreign money, according to the press.

The most renowned jurists in Brazil and other countries consider my condemnation absurd and point to the partiality of Sergio Moro, confirmed in practice when he accepted to be Minister of Justice of the president whom he helped to elect with my condemnation. All I want is for you to point out a single piece of evidence against me.

Why are you so afraid of free Lula, if you have already reached the goal of preventing my election, if there is nothing to sustain this prison? In fact, what they fear is the organization of the people who identify with our country project. They fear that they have to recognize the arbitrary actions they have committed to elect a president who is incapable and who fills us with shame.
They know that my liberation is an important part of the resumption of democracy in Brazil. But they are incapable of living with the democratic process.


Artigo de Lula na Folha de S.Paulo: Por que têm tanto medo de Lula livre?

Faz um ano que estou preso injustamente, acusado e condenado por um crime que nunca existiu. Cada dia que passei aqui fez aumentar minha indignação, mas mantenho a fé num julgamento justo em que a verdade vai prevalecer. Posso dormir com a consciência tranquila de minha inocência. Duvido que tenham sono leve os que me condenaram numa farsa judicial.

O que mais me angustia, no entanto, é o que se passa com o Brasil e o sofrimento do nosso povo. Para me impor um juízo de exceção, romperam os limites da lei e da Constituição, fragilizando a democracia. Os direitos do povo e da cidadania vêm sendo revogados, enquanto impõem o arrocho dos salários, a precarização do emprego e a alta do custo de vida. Entregam a soberania nacional, nossas riquezas, nossas empresas e até o nosso território para satisfazer interesses estrangeiros.

Hoje está claro que a minha condenação foi parte de um movimento político a partir da reeleição da presidenta Dilma Rousseff, em 2014. Derrotada nas urnas pela quarta vez consecutiva, a oposição escolheu o caminho do golpe para voltar ao poder, retomando o vício autoritário das classes dominantes brasileiras.

O golpe do impeachment sem crime de responsabilidade foi contra o modelo de desenvolvimento com inclusão social que o país vinha construindo desde 2003. Em 12 anos, criamos 20 milhões de empregos, tiramos 32 milhões de pessoas da miséria, multiplicamos o PIB por cinco. Abrimos a universidade para milhões de excluídos. Vencemos a fome.

Aquele modelo era e é intolerável para uma camada privilegiada e preconceituosa da sociedade. Feriu poderosos interesses econômicos fora do país. Enquanto o pré-sal despertou a cobiça das petrolíferas estrangeiras, empresas brasileiras passaram a disputar mercados com exportadores tradicionais de outros países.

O impeachment veio para trazer de volta o neoliberalismo, em versão ainda mais radical. Para tanto, sabotaram os esforços do governo Dilma para enfrentar a crise econômica e corrigir seus próprios erros. Afundaram o país num colapso fiscal e numa recessão que ainda perdura. Prometeram que bastava tirar o PT do governo que os problemas do país acabariam.

O povo logo percebeu que havia sido enganado. O desemprego aumentou, os programas sociais foram esvaziados, escolas e hospitais perderam verbas. Uma política suicida implantada pela Petrobras tornou o preço do gás de cozinha proibitivo para os pobres e levou à paralisação dos caminhoneiros. Querem acabar com a aposentadoria dos idosos e dos trabalhadores rurais.

Nas caravanas pelo país, vi nos olhos de nossa gente a esperança e o desejo de retomar aquele modelo que começou a corrigir as desigualdades e deu oportunidades a quem nunca as teve. Já no início de 2018 as pesquisas apontavam que eu venceria as eleições em primeiro turno.

Era preciso impedir minha candidatura a qualquer custo. A Lava Jato, que foi pano de fundo no golpe do impeachment, atropelou prazos e prerrogativas da defesa para me condenar antes das eleições. Haviam grampeado ilegalmente minhas conversas, os telefones de meus advogados e até a presidenta da República. Fui alvo de uma condução coercitiva ilegal, verdadeiro sequestro. Vasculharam minha casa, reviraram meu colchão, tomaram celulares e até tablets de meus netos.

Nada encontraram para me incriminar: nem conversas de bandidos, nem malas de dinheiro, nem contas no exterior. Mesmo assim fui condenado em prazo recorde, por Sergio Moro e pelo TRF-4, por “atos indeterminados” sem que achassem qualquer conexão entre o apartamento que nunca foi meu e supostos desvios da Petrobras. O Supremo negou-me um justo pedido de habeas corpus, sob pressão da mídia, do mercado e até das Forças Armadas, como confirmou recentemente Jair Bolsonaro, o maior beneficiário daquela perseguição.

Minha candidatura foi proibida contrariando a lei eleitoral, a jurisprudência e uma determinação do Comitê de Direitos Humanos da ONU para garantir os meus direitos políticos. E, mesmo assim, nosso candidato Fernando Haddad teve expressivas votações e só foi derrotado pela indústria de mentiras de Bolsonaro nas redes sociais, financiada por caixa 2 até com dinheiro estrangeiro, segundo a imprensa.

Os mais renomados juristas do Brasil e de outros países consideram absurda minha condenação e apontam a parcialidade de Sergio Moro, confirmada na prática quando aceitou ser ministro da Justiça do presidente que ele ajudou a eleger com minha condenação. Tudo o que quero é que apontem uma prova sequer contra mim.

Por que têm tanto medo de Lula livre, se já alcançaram o objetivo que era impedir minha eleição, se não há nada que sustente essa prisão? Na verdade, o que eles temem é a organização do povo que se identifica com nosso projeto de país. Temem ter de reconhecer as arbitrariedades que cometeram para eleger um presidente incapaz e que nos enche de vergonha.

Eles sabem que minha libertação é parte importante da retomada da democracia no Brasil. Mas são incapazes de conviver com o processo democrático.

Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva
Ex-presidente da República (2003-2010)